The Last Escape: The Untold Story of Allied Prisoners of War in Germany 1944-5

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A typical daily menu this one came from camp consisted of the following: Breakfast: A quarter of bread, margarine and tea. Dinner: Pork with potatoes Supper: Milk, Soup and a fifth of bread. The physical condition of prisoners was on the whole pretty good with regular meals and reasonable medical care being available to all. The mental condition of a lot of prisoners was however a different story. Many were moved around from camp to camp, not just on the British mainland but some had originally been sent to America or Canada from large camps in Europe and then shipped to Belgium.

It was a genuine concern to the Germans that they might fall victim to their own U-boats who, although clearly unable to win the Battle of the Atlantic in , were still sinking a lot of Allied shipping towards the end of the war and there was one case of a ship transporting Italian PoWs being sunk by a U-boat with a great loss of life.

It was then thought by the prisoners that they would be sent home to Germany but to their dismay were sent to Britain instead, all the time not knowing when they would be released. This had a demoralising effect prisoners who also had little knowledge of the welfare of their families and relatives and the state of their homeland. Many also suffered from nightmares and other symptoms of what is now known as post tramatic stress disorder.

In Britain there were hundreds of camps and each one was assigned a number.

The accuracy of these numbers is somewhat dubious as there were no accurate records kept and as well as this some camp's numbers were asigned to other camps when they were closed down. Below is a list of all the known camps in Britian and Northern Ireland. The list is quite extensive and readers who livein The UK may be surpried to the proximity of a camp to them. I know certainly was! There are over in all and the list will updated in time.

Grizedale Hall, Hawkshead, Ambleside, Lancashire 2. Toft Hall, Knutsford Cheshire 4. Unknown Camp Northern Ireland 6. Yorks 7. Winter Quarters, Ascot, Windsor Berks 8. Bun Camp, Doonfoot, Ayr, Scotland Featherstone Park, Haltwhistle, Northumbria Happendon Camp, Douglas, Lanarkshire, Scotland Bickham Camp, Yelverton, Tavistock, Devon Comrie, Perth, Scotland Pennylands Camp, Cummnock, Ayr Scotland. Knutsford MH Cheshire Barton Field Camp, Ely, Cambridgeshire Royston Heath Camp, Royston, Hertfordshire.

Boughton Park, Boughton, Nuneaton, Northhamptonshire. Sudeley Castle, Winchcombe, Cheltenham, Gloucester Pool Park, Ruthin, Denbighs. Castle Maxstoke, Coleshill, Warwickshire Somerhill Camp, Tonbridge, Kent. Ganger Camp, Romsey, Hampshire. Exhibition Field Cp.

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Holsworthy, Devon Harcourt Hill, North Ilnksey, Berkshire Goathurst Camp, Bridgewater, Somerset. Trumpington, Cambridgeshire Kingsfold Camp, Billinghurst, West Sussex Motcombe Park, Shaftsbury, Dorset. Greenfield Farm, Presteigne, Radnor Allington, Grantham, Kesteven, Lincolnshire Nether Headon Camp, Retford, Nottinghamshire Sandbeds Camp, Brayton, Selby, Yorkshire Shalstone, Buckinghamshire Dotesdale, Diss, East Suffolk.

Merrow Downs Camp, Guildford, Surrey Wood Walton Lane, Sawtry Wynolls Hill, Broadwell, Coleford, Gloucestershire Balhery Est. Camp, Alyth, Perth, Scotland Castle Rakine, Denny, Stirling, Scotland Sandyhillock Camp, Craigellachie, Banff. Halmuir Farm, Lockerbie, Dumfries, Scotland.

Ducks Cross Camp, Colmworth, Bedfordshire Storwood Camp, Melbourne, Yorkshire Racecourse Camp, Tarporley, Cheshire Northern Hill Camp, Laurencekirk, Kincardine Aunsmuir Camp, Ladybank, Fife, Scotland.

High Garret, Braintree, Essex, Moorby, Revesby, Boston, Lindesy, Lincolnshire. Horbling, Sleaford, Kesteven, Lincolnshire Pingley Farm, Brigg, Lindsey, Lincolnshire Sheet Camp, Ludlow, Salop. Edmunds, West Suffolk Byfield Camp, Rugby, Warwickshire Mortimer, reading, Berkshire Easton Grey Camp, Malmesbury, wiltshire Friday Bridge, Wisbach, Cambridgeshire Bampton Road, Tiverton, Devon Durham Gaulby Road, Billesdon, Leicester Batford Camp, Harpenden, Staffordshire Wolseley Road, Rugley, Staffodshire Birdinbury, Bourton, Rugby, Warwickshire Little Addington, Kettering, Northamptonsire Martins, Owestry, Salop Glandulas Camp, Newton, Montgomery Llanddarog, Camarthen Moota Camp, Cockermouth, Northumbria Beela River, Milnthorpe, Westmorland Stamford, Kesteven, Lincolnshire Thirkleby, Thirsk, Yorks Brahan Castle, Dingwall, Ross and County Stuartfield, Mintlaw, Aberdeen Deer Park Camp, Moneymusk, Aberdeen Eden Vale Camp, Westbury Wiltshire White Cross Camp, St.

Columb Major Cornwall Waiderslade camp, Chatham, Kent They had created Versailles, and when Versailles threatened to collapse they wanted the war, in order to follow it with an even worse Versailles. The reproaches which they make today to Adolf Hitler and Germany, recoil one and all on those who make them, and characterize their actions.

They are the disturbers of peace, they are the ones who meditate the forcible oppression of other peoples and seek to plunge Europe in devastation and disaster. If if were not so, they would long ago have taken the hand that was stretched out to them or at least have made a gesture of honestly wishing to cooperate in a new order, and thus spare the nations "blood, tears and sweat" in excess. World history is the world court; and in this case as always when it reaches its decision it will pronounce a just verdict.

Published in by the Washington Journal under the auspices of the Deutsche Informationsstelle. Hitler's 'Barbarossa' Proclamation. On the morning of June 22, , Reich Minister Joseph Goebbels announced to the world the startling news that German forces, together with Finnish and Romanian troops, had struck against the vast Soviet Union.

On German radio he read Adolf Hitler's historic proclamation justifying the attack. Among other things, he said that Stalin had massed some divisions to strike westwards. In reality, more than Soviet divisions were assembled against Germany and Europe. Hitler and his generals had thereby greatly underestimated the Soviet danger -- a fateful miscalculation that ultimately proved catastrophic, and not just for Germany.

To the Italian leader Benito Mussolini, Hitler wrote that deciding to attack Soviet Russia was "the most difficult decision of my life. Hitler's strike against the Soviet Union, code-named "Barbarossa," has often been called his worst single military blunder because the immense clash he unleashed ended four years later, in May , with his suicide in his Berlin command post, Soviet forces hoisting the Red hammer-and-sickle banner above the Reichstag, and Germany's unconditional surrender.

Hitler's "Barbarossa" assault is often, but simplistically, portrayed as a treacherous and unprovoked surprise attack against a peaceable ally, motivated by greed, dreams of empire, loathing of Russians and other Slavic peoples, and visceral hatred of Communism.

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Today, 60 years later, German and Russian historians continue to grapple with the origins of this mightiest military clash in history. Because Hitler's proclamation of June 22, , helps to explain the German leader's motives for turning against Soviet Russia, it is a document of historic importance. The text is given here in full. Weighed down with heavy cares, condemned to months-long silence, the hour has now come when at last I can speak frankly.

When on September 3, , the German Reich received the British declaration of war there was repeated anew the British attempt to thwart every beginning of a consolidation of Europe and thereby its rise, by fighting against whatever power on the Continent was strongest at any given time. That is how, in times past, Britain ruined Spain in many wars. That is how she conducted her wars against Holland.

That is how later she fought France with the aid of all Europe, and that is how, at the turn of the century, she began the encirclement of the then German Reich and, in , the [First] World War. It was only on account of its internal lack of unity that Germany was defeated in The consequences were terrible. After hypocritical declarations that the fight was solely against the Kaiser and his regime, and once the German army had laid down its arms, the annihilation of the German Reich began according to plan.

While the prophecies of a French statesman that there were two million Germans too many -- in other words, that this number would have to be eliminated by hunger, disease or emigration -- were apparently being fulfilled to the letter, the National Socialist movement began its work of unifying the German people, and thereby initiating the resurgence of the Reich. This rise of our people from distress, misery and shameful disregard was in the form of a purely internal renaissance. In no way did that affect, much less threaten, Britain. Apart from us, the hatred of this international world conspiracy was directed against those nations that, like ourselves, were neglected by fortune and were obliged to earn their daily bread in the hardest struggle for existence.

Above all, the right of Italy and Japan, just as much as that of Germany, to share in the goods of this world was contested and in fact was formally denied. The alliance of these [three] nations was, therefore, purely an act of self-protection in the face of the egoistic global combination of wealth and power that threatened them.

As early as [Winston] Churchill, according to statements by the American General Wood before a committee of the American House of Representatives, declared that Germany was once again becoming too powerful and must therefore be destroyed. In the Summer of the time seemed to have come for Britain to begin to realize its intended annihilation by repetition of a comprehensive policy of encirclement of Germany.

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The plan of the campaign of lies staged for this purpose consisted in declaring that other people were threatened, in tricking them with British promises of guarantees and assistance, and of getting them to go against Germany, just as had happened prior to the [First] World War. Some of these states allowed themselves to be misled into accepting the promise of guarantee proffered with these assertions, thus joining the new encirclement front against Germany.

Under these circumstances I considered myself entitled to assume responsibility, before my own conscience and before the history of the German people, not only of assuring these countries or their governments of the falseness of these British assertions, but also of setting at rest the strongest power in the east [the Soviet Union], by especially solemn declarations regarding the limits of our interests. National Socialists! At that time you probably all felt that this step was a bitter and difficult one for me. The German people has never harbored hostile feelings against the peoples of Russia.

However, for more than two decades the Jewish Bolshevik rulers in Moscow had been endeavoring to set aflame not only Germany but all Europe. At no time did Germany ever attempt to carry her National Socialist worldview into Russia, but on the contrary Jewish Bolshevik rulers in Moscow unswervingly endeavored to foist their domination upon us and other European nations, not only by ideological means but above all with military force.

The consequences of the activity of this regime were nothing but chaos, misery and starvation in all countries. I, on the other hand, have been striving for two decades, with a minimum of intervention and without destroying our production, to arrive at a new socialist order in Germany, one that not only eliminates unemployment but also permits the productive worker to receive an ever greater share of the fruits of his labor.

The achievements of this policy of national economic and social reconstruction -- which strove for a true national community by overcoming rank and class divisions -- are unique in today's world. It was therefore only with extreme difficulty that I brought myself in August to send my [Foreign] Minister [von Ribbentrop] to Moscow in an endeavor there to counter the British encirclement policy against Germany.

I did this only out of a sense of responsibility toward the German people, but above all in the hope of finally, in spite of everything, achieving long-term detente and of being able to reduce sacrifices that otherwise might have been demanded of us. While Germany solemnly affirmed in Moscow that the designated territories and countries -- with the exception of Lithuania -- lay outside any German political interests, a special [supplementary] agreement was concluded in case Britain were to succeed in inciting Poland into actually going to war against Germany.

In this case, as well, German claims were subject to limitations entirely out of proportion to the achievements of the German forces. The consequences of this treaty, which I myself desired and which was concluded in the interests of the German nation, were very severe, particularly for Germans living in the countries concerned.

Far more than half a million [ethnically] German men and women, all small farmers, artisans and workmen, were forced to leave their former homeland practically overnight in order to escape from a new [Soviet] regime that at first threatened them with boundless misery and sooner or later with complete extermination. Nevertheless, thousands of Germans disappeared. It was impossible ever to determine their fate, let alone their whereabouts.

Among them were no fewer than men of German Reich citizenship. To all this I remained silent because I had to! For, after all, it was my one desire to bring about a final relief of tension and, if possible, a permanent settlement with this [Soviet] state. However, already during our advance in Poland, Soviet rulers suddenly, and contrary to the treaty, also claimed Lithuania. The German Reich never had any intention of occupying Lithuania, and not only failed to present any such demand to the Lithuanian government, but on the contrary refused the request of the then Lithuanian government to send German troops to Lithuania in that spirit for that purpose as inconsistent with the aims of German policy.

Despite all this I complied also with this fresh Russian demand. However, this was only the beginning of continually renewed extortions, which have been repeated ever since. The victory in Poland, which was won exclusively by German troops, prompted me to address yet another peace offer to the Western powers [Britain and France]. It was rejected, due to the efforts of the international and Jewish warmongers.

John Nichol

Already at that time the reason for this rejection lay in the fact that Britain still had hopes of being able to mobilize a European coalition against Germany, which was to include the Balkans and Soviet Russia. It was therefore decided in London to send Mr. Cripps as ambassador to Moscow. He received clear instructions under all circumstances to resume relations between Britain and Soviet Russia, and develop them in a pro-British direction.

The British press reported on the progress of this mission, except insofar as tactical reasons did not impose silence. In the fall of and the spring of the first results actually made themselves felt. As Russia undertook to subjugate by armed force not only Finland but also the Baltic states, she suddenly motivated this action by the assertion, as ridiculous as it was false, that she must protect these countries from an outside threat, or forestall it.

This could only be meant to apply to Germany, for no other power could even intervene in the Baltic area, let alone go to war there. Still I had to be silent.

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However, those in power in the Kremlin immediately went further. Whereas in the spring of Germany, in accordance with the so-called Friendship Treaty [of Sept. According to a statement that [Soviet Foreign Minister] Molotov personally made at that time, there were 22 Russian divisions in the Baltic states alone already in the spring of Given that the Russian government always claimed that it had been called in by the local population, the purpose of their presence there could only be a demonstration against Germany.

While our soldiers from May 10, , onward were breaking Franco-British power in the west, Russian military deployment on our eastern frontier was continuing to an ever more menacing extent. From August onward I therefore considered it to be in the interest of the Reich to no longer permit our eastern provinces, which moreover had been laid waste so often before, to remain unprotected in the face of this tremendous deployment of Bolshevik divisions.

Thus, and just as intended by this British-Soviet Russian cooperation, there came about the tying up of such strong [German] forces in the east that a radical conclusion of the war in the west, particularly as regards aircraft, could no longer be vouched for by the German leadership. This, however, was in line with the goals not only of British but also of Soviet Russian policy, for both Britain and Soviet Russia intended to let this war go on for as long as possible in order to weaken all Europe and render it ever more impotent.

Russia's threatened attack on Romania was in the last analysis equally intended to gain possession of or, if possible, to destroy, an important base of the economic life of not only Germany, but of all of Europe. Since the German Reich sought with boundless patience to win over states in southeastern Europe as trading partners. We therefore also had the greatest interest in their internal consolidation and order. Russia's advance into Romania and Greece's alliance with Britain threatened to quickly turn these regions as well into a general theater of war.

Contrary to our principles and customs, and at the urgent request of the then Romanian government, which was itself responsible for this development, I advised that it acquiesce to the Soviet Russian demands for the sake of peace, and to cede [the province of] Bessarabia. The Romanian government believed, however, that it could answer for this before its own people only if Germany and Italy in compensation would at least guarantee the integrity of what still remained of Romania.

I did so with heavy heart, above all because when the German Reich gives a guarantee, that means it also abides by it. We are neither Englishmen nor Jews. I still believe at this late hour to have served the cause of peace in that region, albeit by assuming a serious obligation of our own. In order, however, finally to solve these problems and achieve clarity concerning the Russian attitude toward Germany, as well as under pressure of continually increasing mobilization on our eastern frontier, I invited Mr.

Molotov to come to Berlin. The Soviet Foreign Minister [during their November meeting] then demanded Germany's clarification of or agreement to the following four questions:. Molotov's second question: Russia again feels itself menaced by Finland, Russia is determined not to tolerate this.

Is Germany ready not to give any aid to Finland, and above all immediately to withdraw German relief troops marching through to Kirkenes? My answer: As ever, Germany has absolutely no political interests in Finland. A new war by Russia against the small Finnish nation could not, however, be regarded any longer by the German government as tolerable, all the more so because we could never believe that Finland could threaten Russia. Under no circumstances did we want another theater of war to arise in the Baltic. Molotov's third question: Is Germany prepared to agree that Soviet Russia give a guarantee to Bulgaria and, in this regard, send Soviet troops to Bulgaria, in connection with which he -- Molotov -- was prepared to state that the Soviets did not intend on that account, for example, to depose the King?

My answer: Bulgaria is a sovereign state, and I have no knowledge that Bulgaria had ever asked Soviet Russia for any kind of guarantee such as Romania had requested from Germany. Moreover, I would have to discuss the matter with my allies. Molotov's fourth question: Soviet Russia absolutely requires free passage through the Dardanelles, and for her protection also demands occupation of a number of important bases on the Dardanelles and the Bosporus. Is Germany in agreement with this or not? My answer: Germany is prepared at any time to agree to altering the Treaty of Montreux [] in favor of the Black Sea states.

Germany is not prepared to agree to Russia's taking possession of bases on the Straits. Here I adopted the only attitude that I could adopt as the responsible leader of the German Reich, but also a conscientiously responsible representative of European culture and civilization. The result was to increase the activity in Soviet Russia directed against the Reich, above all, however, the immediate commencement of undermining the new Romanian state from within, and an attempt to remove the Bulgarian government by propaganda.

With the help of confused and immature leaders of the Romanian [Iron Guard] Legion a coup d'etat was staged in Romania whose aim was to overthrow Chief of State General Antonescu and produce chaos in the country so as to eliminate thee legal authority and thus remove the precondition for implementing the German guarantee.

I nevertheless still believed it best to remain silent.

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Immediately after the failure of this undertaking, there was renewed reinforcement of concentrations of Russian troops on Germany's eastern frontier. Panzer detachments and parachute troops were transferred in ever increasing numbers to dangerous proximity to the German frontier. The German armed forces and the German homeland know that until a few weeks ago not a single German tank or motorized division was stationed on our eastern frontier. If any final proof was required for the coalition meanwhile formed between Britain and Soviet Russia, despite all diversion and camouflage, the Yugoslav conflict provided it.

While I made every effort to undertake a final attempt to pacify the Balkans and, in sympathetic cooperation with the Duce [Mussolini], invited Yugoslavia to join the Tripartite Pact, Britain and Soviet Russia jointly organized that coup d'etat which, in a single night, removed the government that had been ready to come to agreement. For today we can inform the German nation that the Serb putsch against Germany did not take place merely under the British, but primarily under Soviet Russian auspices.

While we remained silent on this matter as well, the Soviet leaders now went one step further. They not only organized the putsch, but a few days later [April 5, ] concluded that well-known friendship treaty with those submissive creatures, which was meant to strengthen the Serbs in their will to resist pacification of the Balkans, and to incite them against Germany.

And this was no platonic intention: Moscow demanded mobilization of the Serbian army. Because, even then, I still believed it better not to speak out, those in power in the Kremlin went still further: The government of the German Reich today possesses documentary evidence proving that Russia, in order finally to bring Serbia into the war, gave her a promise to supply her, by way of Salonika, with weapons, aircraft, munitions and other war materials against Germany.

And this happened almost at the very moment that I was advising Japanese Foreign Minister Matsuoka to bring about an easing of tensions with Russia, still hoping thereby to serve the cause of peace. Only the rapid advance of our incomparable divisions to Skoplje [Skopje], as well as the capture of Salonika itself, frustrated the aims of this Soviet Russian-British plot. Officers of the Serbian air force, however, fled to Russia and were there immediately received as allies. It was only the victory of the Axis powers in the Balkans that thwarted the plan to tie down Germany this summer in months of fighting in southeastern Europe while meantime steadily completing the deployment of Soviet Russian armies and strengthening their readiness for battle in order, finally, together with Britain and supported by anticipated American supplies, to tie down and then defeat the German Reich and Italy.

Thus Moscow not only broke but miserably betrayed the stipulations of our friendship treaty. All this was done while the rulers in the Kremlin, exactly as in the case of Finland and Romania, up to the last moment pretended peace and friendship and issued seemingly harmless denials. Although I have been obliged by circumstances again and again to keep silent, the moment has now come when to continue as a mere observer would not only be a sin of omission but a crime against the German people -- yes, even against the whole of Europe. Today something like Russian divisions are standing at our frontier.

For weeks there have been constant violations of this frontier, not only affecting us but also in the far north [against Finland], as well as Romania. Russian airmen consider it sport nonchalantly to overlook these frontiers, presumably to prove to us that they already feel themselves masters of these territories. During the night of June 17 to 18 Russian patrols again penetrated into Reich territory, and could only be driven back after prolonged exchange of fire. This has brought us to the hour when it is necessary for us to counter this plot of Jewish-British warmongers and equally the Jewish rulers of the Bolshevik center in Moscow.

German people! At this moment a deployment of forces is taking place that, in its extent and scope, is the greatest the world hitherto has seen. United with their Finnish comrades, the fighters of the victory of Narvik are standing in the Northern Arctic. German divisions commanded by the conqueror of Norway [General Dietl], together with the heroes of Finnish freedom under their Marshal [Mannerheim], are protecting Finnish soil.

Formations of the German eastern front extend from East Prussia to the Carpathians. German and Romanian soldiers are united under Chief of State Antonescu from the banks of the Prut along the lower reaches of the Danube to the shores of the Black Sea. The task of this front, therefore, is not merely the protection of individual countries, but the safeguarding of Europe, and thereby the salvation of all. In August , a series of articles began in the British weekly The Saturday Review , which called for the annihilation of Germany and whose disastrous greed for German plunder still reverberates to the present day.

With the Second Reich, a German state came into being which was rapidly creating a modern economy which imperiled the economic predominance of Great Britain. Coal and steel were the two indicators by which national economies were measured prior to the First World War. During the same period the mining of coal in Germany increased from Germany's foreign trade was reaching proportions alarming to Great Britain.

An investigation by the English Parliament in noted that the Germans produced more cheaply and their products were geared to the preferences of their buyers. Knowledge of languages, tirelessness and flexibility were considered to be the merits of the German commercial travelers. A trademark law was passed in England as a counter-measure, which prescribed that German products be marked "Made in Germany," yet the British middlemen and consumers nevertheless still often preferred the German goods, on which account the obligatory mark was modified to "Foreign made.

One senses that it is omitting no means. If one wishes to explain this new [ Thus does the totality of the German enterprises have its impact upon us. The European upper classes saw their indolent life imperiled by this upswing of the German economy. They were living, according to Max Scheler, in a Paradise: [3]. And the same paradise meant for France: increasing financial wealth with few children, pensions after years of work, great colonial empire, time and idle leisure for luxury, intellect, outward appearances, adventures full of sensuality with beautiful women.

The terror which the German power of achievement set loose in these European upper classes, was captured by Max Scheler in the parable:. What will become of us, what shall happen to us - felt the nations [ Shall we change ourselves, seeking to emulate him? No and again no! We cannot obey this new demand! But we do not want it and shall not do it! In these upper classes, beginning with Great Britain, formed a War Party against Germany which is still at work today and which will be documented by citations from the years to Delendam, Delendam, Delendam!

The Saturday Review of 24 August [4]. We can call this enmity unreasonable or untimely, but its existence is not to be doubted. Some papers, therefore, recommend that England should at once join the Triple Alliance; that Lord Salisbury should promise the German Emperor assistance and support in case of any attack made upon the estates or interests of the Allies in Europe, on condition that the Allies should support England in case of any aggression upon her territories in other parts of the world. For various reasons this policy, although eminently safe, does not altogether please us.

First of all, we English have always made war hitherto upon our rivals in trade and commerce; and our chief rival in trade and commerce to-day is not France but Germany. In case of a war with Germany, we should stand to win much and lose nothing ; whereas, in case of a war with France, no matter what the issue might be, we stand to lose heavily. The Saturday Review of 1 February [5]. The record of the past history of life upon the catch has made us familiar with one phase in the drama of evolution. For countless generations a number of species may have been struggling on tolerably equal terms, now one, now the other, securing some little advantage, when suddenly a turn in the kaleidoscope of the world gives one of them an advantage of real moment.

The lucky species multiplies rapidly; it spreads over the land and the seas, its rivals perishing before it or being driven into the most inhospitable corners; [ The great nations of the earth are local varieties, species in the making. It is not necessary that there should be anatomical distinctions among them; although, indeed, the English, Germans, French, Russians and Americans, Chinese and Japanese, have each their distinct groups of average characters.

The world is rapidly approaching the epoch of these last wars, of wars which cannot end in peace with honour , of wars whose spectre cannot be laid by the pale ghost of arbitration. The facts are patent. Feeble races are being wiped off the earth, and the few great, incipient species arm themselves against each other. England, as the greatest of these - greatest in geographical distribution, greatest to expansive force, greatest in race-pride - has avoided for centuries the only dangerous kind of war. Now, with the whole earth occupied and the movements of expansion continuing, she will have to fight to the death against successive rivals.

Of European nations, Germany is most alike to England. In racial characters, in religious and scientific thought, in sentiments and aptitudes, the Germans, by their resemblances to the English, are marked out as our natural rivals. In all parts of the earth, in every pursuit, in commerce, in manufacturing, in exploiting other races, the English and the Germans jostle each other.

Germany is a growing nation; expanding far beyond her territorial limit, she is bound to secure new foothold or to perish in the attempt.

German Prisoners of War in Britain

Were every Englishman to be wiped out tomorrow, the Germans would gain in proportion. Here is the first great racial struggle of the future: here are two growing nations pressing against each other, man to man all over the world. One or the other has to go; one or the other will go. The biological view of foreign policy is plain. First, federate our colonies and prevent geographical isolation turning the Anglo-Saxon race against itself.

Second, be ready to fight Germany, as Germania est delenda [Germany must be destroyed] ; third, be ready to fight America when the time comes. Lastly, engage in no wasting tears against peoples from whom we have nothing to fear. The Saturday Review of 11 September [6]. Prince Bismarck has long recognised what at length the people of England are beginning to understand - that i n Europe there are two great, irreconcilable, opposing forces, two great nations who would make the whole world their province, and who would levy from it the tribute of commerce.

England, with her long history of successful aggression, with her marvellous conviction that in pursuing her own interests she is spreading light among nations dwelling in darkness, and Germany, bone of the same bone, blood of the same blood, with a lesser will-force, but, perhaps, with a keener intelligence, compete in every, corner of the globe. In the Transvaal, at the Cape, in Central Africa, in India and the East, in the islands of the Southern sea, and in the fair North-West, wherever - and where has it not?

Is there a mine to exploit, a railway to build, a native to convert from breadfruit to tinned meat, from temperance to trade gin, the German and the Englishman are struggling to be first. If Germany were extinguished to-morrow, the day after to-morrow there is not an Englishman in the world who would not be the richer. Nations have fought for years over a city or a right of succession; must they not fight for two hundred million pounds of commerce?

Secret speech of Winston S. Churchill in March in the Lower House: [8]. However, we always took the harder course, joined with the less strong Powers, made a combination among them, and thus defeated and frustrated the Continental military tyrant whoever he was, whatever nation he led. Thus we preserved the liberties of Europe [ Observe that the policy of England takes no account of which nation it is that seeks the overlordship of Europe. It has nothing to do with rulers or nations; it is concerned solely with whoever is the strongest or the potentially dominating tyrant. Therefore, we should not be afraid of being accused of being pro-French or anti-German.

If the circumstances were reversed, we could equally be pro-German and anti-French. It is a law of public policy which we are following, and not a mere expedient dictated by accidental circumstances, or likes and dislikes, or any other sentiment. The question, therefore, arises which is today the Power in Europe which is the strongest, and which seeks in a dangerous and oppressive sense to dominate. Today, for this year, probably for part of , the French Army is the strongest in Europe. But no one is afraid of France. Everyone knows that France wants to be let alone, and that with her it is only a case of self-preservation.

Everyone knows that the French are peaceful and overhung by fear. Germany, on the other hand, fears no one. She is arming in a manner which has never been seen in German history. She is led by a handful of triumphant desperadoes. The money is running short, discontents are arising beneath these despotic rulers. Very soon they will have to choose, on the one hand, between economic and financial collapse or internal upheaval, and on the other, a war which could have no other object, and which, if successful, can have no other result, than a Germanised Europe under Nazi control.

Therefore, it seems to me that all the old conditions present themselves again, and that our national salvation depends upon our gathering once again all the forces of Europe to contain, to restrain, and if necessary to frustrate, German domination. For, believe me, if any of those other Powers, Spain, Louis XIV, Napoleon, Kaiser Wilhelm II, had with our aid become the absolute masters of Europe, they could have despoiled us, reduced us to insignificance and penury on the morrow of their victory. Report of Carl J. Burkhardt [Swiss diplomat] of a conversation on 15 August with the Polish foreign minister [Jozef] Beck: [9].

Beck, during our nocturnal journey, made me privy to his plans to some extent. Furthermore, he is playing his double-game. It is no German game, as many French and the Polish opposition believe. It is a game in which the greatest profit is hoped for Poland, a profit which is supposed to come out of a final and unavoidable German catastrophe. For this reason, the Germans are being encouraged in their wrong actions, and in Danzig they are enjoying letting the extremists triumph while at the same time they repeatedly stress adherence to the outer form of the treaties.

One day there will be a reckoning, interest and compound interest will be demanded. Already now, by collaborating in this way with the National Socialists, they have succeeded in creating a solidarity of aversion toward any revision of the treaties in the whole West, in France, England and America.

At that time Western opinion in the great democracies for the most part supported the German minorities. People got excited over badly drawn borders, over isolated provinces. Thanks to the excessive methods of Nazism, all of that has ended, and now in Warsaw they are hoping not only for the unconditional integration of Danzig into the Polish state territory, but for much more, for all of East Prussia, for Silesia, even for Pomerania.

In the year they still spoke in Warsaw of Polish Pomerania, but now they say 'our Pomerania. But they are making efforts to encourage the Germans quite methodically in their errors. Report of Friedrich Grimm [German constitutional lawyer] concerning a visit in May [11]. He introduced himself to me as a university professor of his nation who wished to talk with me about the historical foundations of the war.

It was a conversation on an elevated level that we were having. Suddenly, he broke off and pointed to the leaflets which were lying on the table in front of me, with which we were flooded in the first days after the surrender and which were mainly concerned with the concentration camp atrocities. I replied: 'Oradour and Buchenwald?

C a s t l e a n d R e g i m e n t a l M u s e u m - M o n m o u t h

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